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WESTERN DEPARTMENT, 161, 163 Randolph Street, Chicago. TrumMAN G. PALMER AND E tas C. CHAPIN, Managers.

NEW YORK, MARCH 28, 1891.


One copy, one year, or 52 numbers . $4.00 One copy, six months, or 26 numbers - - - 2.00 One copy, for 13 weeks - - - 1.00

FOREIGN SUBSCRIPTIONS—To all foreign countries in the Postal Union, $5 a year. Tuts paper is for sale by Messrs. Smith, Ainslie & Co., 25 Newcastle Street, Strand, London, W. C., Englanc.

WE shall be glad to receive from photographers and artists in all parts of the country photographs and sketches of persons, objects, and events of interest; and for such as may be used satisfactory compensation will be made. To save time, photographs of events should be sent unmounted.

HE oyster question is an issue now in the business and poli-

tics of several Southern States. It has a national signifi- cance because the right solution of the problem means a great deal for the nation’s food supply and its wealth. Under the caption of * A Way to Inerease Our Food Supply and Add to Our Wealth,” we will print next week. as our leading editorial, a clear, conservative, and comprehensive contribution from General Felix Agnus, widely known as editor and manager of the Balti- more American, the leading newspaper of the South. General Agnus is well known to our readers. [lis name has been fre- quently and prominently mentioned in connection with important oftices, but, while a leader in the politics of the South, he has preferred the pleasures and the profits of journalism to the honors of official place. He was one of the bravest soldiers of the Civil War, entering the Unionarmy as a private, participating in many engagements, and rising by merit to the rauk of brigadier-gen- eral. As a citizen actively interested in the progress of the new South, and allied with its best interests, he is well qualified to discuss its economic questions. His views on the oyster situ- ation are especially valuable because he has made it a matter of personal investigation, and has recently returned from a cruise

over the country’s richest oyster-grounds.


Eprror FRANK LESLIE’s ILLUSTRATED NEWSPAPER:—We have noticed in your columns, and in those of all our leading news- papers and magazines, references and powerful articles on the ‘appalling danger,’ the threatened * national calamity,’ etc., ete., in the free coinage of silver. But, strange to say, no one gives any ‘specifications.’ We have all these solemn and mysterious ‘warnings,’ but even John Sherman himself does not deign to give any tangible details which are within the comprehension of the people. Now, if any of vou were asked to describe the con- sequences of saturating a block of buildings in the heart of a city with kerosene, you could give a vivid description of the confla- gration likely to follow. Or, if vou were asked to relate the prob- able consequences of the importation into any of our cities of clothing infected with small-pox or yellow fever, you would have no difficulty in making the dullest intellect understand that sick-* ness and death would follow. Yet, here is a calamity.’ infinitely greater, hanging over the entire country. A direful danger to everybody, and though there are *‘ warnings’ in plenty, we have no details. Now, as you have the means to command the best talent on this continent, won't you kindly explain how too much lawful noney—full legal-tender silver though it may be—can be injurious to the people? Give us full particulars in plain lan- guage, so that the people can understand their danger. In the face of this woeful scourge, few, if anything, can be of more impor- tance, so that the space used will be put to the very best ‘use. And, further, our greenbackers and Farmers’ Alliance men say there is no danger, and that these vague ‘warnings’ are the very best you can do toward earning the money paid you by the * gold bugs’ for printing such slush to mislead your patrons. I give you the opportunity for refuting this charge, and hope you will embrace it at once. GEORGE T. BYLAND.

* HILLsporo’, Onto, February 9th, 1891.”

Mr. Epwarp Arkinson’s Rep ty. To rue Eprror or Frank Lestre’s ILLustrateD NEWsPaPeER,

Dear Str:—Your correspondent, Mr. George T. Byland, of Hillsboro’, Ohio, asks you “how too much lawful money, or legal-tender silver money, can be injurious to the people,” and you have requested me to reply and to ‘make a plain statement for plain people.”

The gold coin of the United States consists of nine parts of pure gold and one part of alloy added to it, to make it hard, so that it will stand the wear of use. If that coin is melted the gold that is in it will be worth just as much after it is melted as it was before. All that the Govern- ment does by putting the metal through the mint and stamping it is to certify the quantity or grains weight of gold that there is in the coin. The same gold could not be readily used as money without the stamp of the mint, because no one would be sure of the quantity, unless he had all the appliances to test both the quality and the quantity of gold himself, as the dealers in gold-dust did in California in earlier days. The function of the Government in respect to the coin is simply to certify the weight of the metal. That weight suffices to establish its value; Govern- ment can do nothing more.

Now, if we take asilver coin which contains a certain weight of silver, nine parts, and one part of alloy to make it hard, melt that and attempt to make use of it in exchange for something else, then we find that we have not a dollar’s worth, We have only eighty cents’ worth; sometimes more, sometimes less, By the Act of Coinage the Govern- ment. has certified the weight of metal, and that is all.

But, without regard to coinage, the Government passes another law, which has nothing to do with coinage, to wit.,

a ke qal-tender act,

What is a legal-tender act? It is an act that forces a man to whom wages are due, or to whom debts are due of any kind, to take a silver dollar when he would prefer a gold dollar. Whenever a law is passed which will enable the owners of silver coins to pass them through the mint and to get silver dollars for each eighty cents’ worth of silver, they will, of course, work the mint to its utmost capacity, get the silver dollars into their possession, and force them off, under the legal-tender act, upon those who had a right to expect to get their wages or their debts in gold dollars. It will then be very easy for them to collect the gold dollars, send them abroad, and for each /ive-dollar gold piece they will be able to get silver enough to make six silver dollars. These new silver dollars they will again force everybody to take to whom money is due for wages or earnings or debts, whether they want it or not. That is the main object of the free coinage of silver. It may make poor money more plenty, but by stopping trade it will make good money very much more scarce.

I think your correspondent will be able to understand this by comparing the dollar measure to the pound measure. There are two kinds of pounds. One is the avoirdupois pound, which has the weight of seven thousand grains. The other is the troy pound, which has the weight of fiftv-seven hundred and sixty grains. The grain is a measure of weight; the grain avo.rdu- pois and the grain troy are alike; they weigh alike the same quantity. I suppose the grain originally corresponded to the weight of a grain of wheat. Now, if a man makes a bargain for a pound of wheat expecting to get seven thousand grains of wheat, and agrees to pay for it at a certain price, and then the seller should put off on him a troy pound of fifty-seven hundred aud sixty grains, he would be cheated. If your correspondent wishes to be cheated in that way he will support an act which will force hii to take a silver dollar which may be worth only about eighty cents, in piace of a gold dollar which is always worth one hundred cents.

There would be no objection to the free coinage of silver dol- lars if the legal-tender act were altered so as to provide that when « man had promised to pay * dollars” he should pay gold dollars unless he had named silver dollars in the contract. Any man who now sells food by the pound is obliged to deliver pounds avoirdupois of seven thousand grains, even if he has not named the kind of pound in the sale. If he wants to deal in troy pounds he must say so, but he must name the troy pound when he makes the sale. Make the law the same as to dollars.

Let it be agreed that any man who promises simply * dollars” shall pay gold dollars unless he names silver, and then let any- body name silver in his contracts that chooses; then provide him by free coinage with all the silver dollars that he can possi- bly want. My own impression is that no intelligent man would ever call for them. Every man wants for his own use the best dollar he can get, and the best dollar he can get is the one that will buy the most at any and all times, and in any and all places. That is the dollar made of gold.

The legal-tender act, by means of which the United States notes known as the greenbacks were forced into circulation during the war, was in fact a war measure, intended to, and, in fuct, collecting a forced loan for the support of the United States Government at the cost of all persons who had anything due to them in money. It was submitted to as a war measure. It may be justified as a war measure, but it cost the country more than the entire amount of the debt of the United States now outstand- ing. It was cheerfully submitted to by those who comprehended its purpose.

An act of legal tender compelling all persons to whom any money is now due (nearly all obligations now outstanding having been entered into since the resumption of specie payments on a gold basis, January Ist, 1879) is an act for the collection of a forced loan from those persons to whom money is due, in order to put a profit of twenty to twenty-five per cent. into the pockets of the owners of silver mines.

If it were not for that purpose there would have been no agitation and no pressure for the free coinage of silver dollars, at the present time, which are worth about eighty cents. Those who choose to submit to such a forced loan for the support of the owners of silver mines at the cost of the mass of the people may advocate the free coinage of silver dollars. Those who do not choose to submit to such an act have opposed it, will oppose it, and will defeat it, now and hereafter.

I do not mean to say that all those who support the act for the free coinage of silver, either in Congress or out of it, have done so for the purpose of putting a profit into the pockets of the owners of the silver mines. What I do say is this: Many of them have been misled by the activity of the agents of the owners of the silver mines, and have been made to believe many things that have no foundation in fact. The act itself has no foundation in common sense or common houesty. It is there- fore defeated for all time.

Boston, MAss., February 24th, 1891.


[We commend to the Legislature of New York, for consideration, the followiyg article on the possible utilization of convict labor without in- jury to outside industrial capital or employment.]}

HE greatest industrial evolutions have grown from the most

insignificant and usually unappreciated commencements.

When Whitney, a hundred years ago, grouped a series of circu- lar saws with fine teeth to separate the seeds of the cotton plant from its fibre he displaced the slow hand-picking, or roller proc- ess, heretofore the immemorial method, and made possible by a wonderful economy the enormous product that followed.

The Southern States, genial in clime and adaptive in soil, at once changed from the culture of unprofitable tobacco to cotton.

The negro, almost freed, was remanded into firmer bondage, a surreptitious slave-trade geuerated, and blacks were used simply for labor,

| Marcu 28, 1891.

The innocent contrivance of a Yankee tutor developed the eotton harvest of 1791 from the less thau two hundred thousand pounds to the present growth of thirty-two billions of pounds.

It created seventy-five years of slavery in the United States;

threatened the dismemberment of the republic; and the extin- guishment of bondage it created cost half a million of lives and billions of dollars.

Cotton has but one rival—not really a rival, but more of a coarse competitor—in the field of fibres. That competitor, like itselfa native of Hindostan, is jute. What is jute? How is it grown? Whatare its uses? What is our interest in it? It is the brown-colored woven fibre wrapping our eight million bales of cotton, It is the hop sacking of the Northern farmer. It is the warp of costly and common carpets. It is made into bags for the California and Western wheat crops. It is used as a package for exporting to Kurope American flour. It is at once the coarsest and cheapest material ever woven on a loon.

It started in a humble way on its important industrial career, a twin, as to time and commencement, with the product of the cotton-gin of Whitin i.

It is wonderful that while empires have risen and gone down, and republics have grown great, these two weeds, the bane and blessing of millions of the human race, should have won their vegetable victory,

Almost a hundred years ago an inquisitive English physician sojourning in Bengal sent a little bundle of this fibre to a flax-mill in his native town, suggesting its possible use in place of the more costly linen. The !lindoo spun it and wove it on the sim- plest loom. Why could not the more ingenious Kuropean? Were there not idle mills in Great Britain that could utilize this product of the cheapest labor in the world? Would not the founding of such an industry give work and wealth to his fellow- countrymen at home?

The earlier trials. however, were failures. The fuzzy fibre was obdurate and would not succumb to modern machines. It missed the soft, moist. and deft hand of the Asiatic. Years after a Scotch firm, renewing the effort, discovered that it could be mollitied by partial saturation with whale oil or refuse grease, and in this way, by softening the irate fibre, was won the vic tory of a successful product.

To-day a million acres along the low lands of the Ganges pro- duce a crop of a ton and a half to the acre. Calcutta alone ex- ports eighty million bags to English, German, and American markets. The flour-mills in Buda-Pesth in Hungary use forty- five million yards for packages for flour. It is estimated that California requires forty million yards to transport its wheat crop. One factory in Dundee, employing six to seven thousand people, weaves annually eighteen thousand miles of burlap. There are about one hundred and fifteen jute mills in the world. Kighty- five of these are in, or tributary io, Scotch Dundee. It is esti- mated that two million people are directly or indirectly interested in its growth and product.

Jute cannot be profitably grown in the United States. At- tempts, aided by State assistance, have proveti failures. On the rich tropical lands of the lower Mississippi, even the low-priced negro labor was too costly. The Hindoo ryot,” living on rice, clothed with a girt cloth, earning never over ten cents and often only five cents a day, barred any possibility of competition.

As the great Indian rivers shrink back in March within their banks the jute seed is sown on the recently flooded land, and grows, before the September harvest, from six to fourteen feet in height. Its stems are straight as a reed; the leaves thin, long, and scanty, and the occasional blossoms a yellowish white. The seeds are tiny, sun-tan colored beads. At the gathering it is piled in bunches to sweat. Afterward it is steeped for two or more days in the stagnant and frequent pools, so that it can be easily stripped of its softened bark. It is dried in the tropical sun, packed for market, and sold in European ports for three cents a pound,

The lower and woody portions, however, are previously re. moved from the root end. This, instead of being a waste, is used in enormous quantities in the manufacture of paper—the lighter wraps, or grocery bags. There is imported into this country annually nearly eight million dollars’ worti of this Hindoo prod- uct,

Heretofore a duty has been levied on unmanufactured jute, according to quality, from five to twelve dollars per ton. The McKinley bill makes this raw material free. Nevertheless there are but a few hundred people in the United States engaged in any industry of its woven product. The Scotch manufacturers, with labor at two-thirds less than our own, can, with even a fixed duty of two cents per yard on burlap, more than successfully compete.

It has been a vexed problem for years how to employ State- prison labor without direct or indirect injury to outside honest handicraft. The proposition to put convicts to work constructing highways is absurd. The attempt to limit their production to supplies for prison requirements, the effort to lower the amount of product to a non-competitive point, each and all have signally failed. Is it not worth serious consideration whether the State cannot employ its penal population in producing the coarse jute fabrics we so largely consume, and the production of which will not undermine any domestic interest, proprietary or producing? This is beyond the boundary of experiment.

California has successfully tried it. Its convict labor has been contracted at thirty cents a day for the weaving of bagging Such employment has menaced no industry, and yet saves the State the burden of penal support. New York could economize hundreds of thousands of dollars and at the same time relieve every tax-payer of the load of laboring to earn the cost of shelter-



ing crime.


hein soe anel BLAINE’S efforts to settle the protracted dif-

ferences between our own and the British Government

regarding the Behring Sea trouble seem likely to result in their final submission to arbitration, This would be the best and the

trial rm iber thin! W he the } N eve ind justic they itate If Ist socia upon ll Sf office the a existi the lz mob-l TI een mee sage Onlear the ae worki reasol evere illy et to The istify SO)- Cd just iV as erat The ciizen tukes 1 ith a r the the hu Its Inte The | may is del sometir

ust be

Wi TTJHE Co garding Cas ar sion. The pew of fimous honor M paid the ving t Cecorati: table ‘stion


He s| Engla emed | uld im int, th

Marcu 28, 1891.]

most natural outcome of the affair. It was the plan originally

uggested by the English Government; but the matters sub- nitted to abitration by it were not the vital questions which, in the view of this Government, were chiefly at issue.

Secretary Blaine very skillfully put forward in his correspond- nee the leading contention of our own Government, and finally ubmitted propositions for arbitration that could not have been rracefully declined. Lord Salisbury now accepts the situation,

ind agrees to submit the various questions of disagreement to irbitration, as proposed by Mr. Blaine, but with several changes,


ire, an unqualified acceptance of this Government’s offer; but it

less material. Salisbury’s letter is not, there-

ore or

oubtless brings the settlement of the question much nearer to a lose than it ever has been.

Secretary Blaine will, presumably, insist upon the submission of

ll the questions involved, and in the end, doubtless an agreement vill be reached satisfactory to both parties. At all events, Lord Salisbury’s last letter shows that the differences are narrowing, nd that there is a prospect of reaching an amicable settlement fa very perplexing and much involved international problem.

THE NEW ORLEANS OUTBREAK, gaya no reasonable, intelligent, and honest person in

the United the death of the eleven Sicil- in prisoners in the New Orleans jail, Saturday, March 14th.

States regrets Whether they were members of the law-defying Mafia or not, hey belonged apparently to the lowest criminal classes, and on eneral principles deserved, and no doubt expected, to meet a iolent death.

They were charged with complicity in the assassination of the Chief of Police of New Orleans. them was found not guilty, and no verdict was rendered regard-

After a trial by jury, one of

ig the others. .They had not been liberated, other indictments vere pending, and the law had not, therefore, fully taken its ourse in reference to them.

The excitement attending the action of the jury was calculated to bring about the conviction of the accused at a subsequent trial; but. without waiting for the law to vindicate itself? an irmed mob, led by respectable citizens, broke into the jail and de- iberately murdered the alieged assassins. No law-abiding, right- thinking, conscientious man can justify assassination or murder, vhether in the darkness of night or in broad daylight, and under the incentive of mob violence.

No doubt the people of New Orleans who led the mob be- eved that they were justified in taking the law into their own inds. They held that it had fatied to meet the requirements of

justice, that the jury (or some of the jury) had been bribed, and they came to the hasty conclusion that mob violence was neces- itated by the extraordinary circumstances of the case.

If, as the New Orleans press says, there was a paralysis of istice in that city, a caneer which had been gnawing at its social vitals, a vicious jury system, which could not be relied

upon to convict the worst of criminals, we ask the question in the officers of the law, and who, indirectly at least, are responsible for

ull seriousness, if the citizens of New Orleans, who elect the appointment of juries, are not themselves: to blame for the existing condition of affairs. In other words, are not the people the law-making power? If so, does not their action in justifying mob-law condemn themselves ? The

een in

first fruits of the violence in New Orleans are already the ibor organizations in Eastern and Western cities, and the pas-

action of the New

action of anarehistic gatherings and of trade and

sage by them of resolutions denouncing the

(tleans mob as capitalistic anarchism,” and demanding, in the uguage of the Chicago Trades and Labor Assembly, that the ime principles and laws that liad been strictly enforced on vorking people be now enforced on these murderers, for the reason that if capitalistic anarchism be not prevented by the everest punishment, the ruling class in this case will be prac- illy above the laws and the discontented laboring classes sub- et to the same kind of capitalistic anarehisin.” These are strong words, but who can deny that circumstances tify them? Who ean escape the conviction that the action of so-called respectable mob in New Orleans will be seized upon justifying riotous conduct on the part of any other class who iy assume that they are unable to obtain justice through the erations of the law. The law The first requirement of every good iiizen is obedience to the Jaw, and any body of men that under-

is supreme.

takes to impeach the law impeaches the integrity of the State,

ith all that that impeachment implies. The law is intended r the protection of all—the rich and the poor, the proud and e humble. It is absolute in its dominion, unimpeachable in its integrity, and it must be unquestioned in its fairness.

The law is the foundation of good government, and though may be complicated and intricate, though it may lead to tedi- is delays, and though, through its operations, justice itself may metimes seem to be defeated, still, so long as it is the law, it ust be respected and obeyed.


{THE versatility of Chauncey M. Depew surprises everybody.

Constantly called upon to address different audiences re-

carding different subjects, he always manages to present new

cas and give rise to an interesting line of thought and discus- sion,

The extraordinary compliment has just been paid to Mr. De- pew of election for the sixth consecutive term as president of the fimous Union League Club of New York. honor Mr. Depew made one of his most striking speeches.

In accepting the He tid the highest compliment it was possible to offer his club by

‘ving that a membership in it * was everywhere considered as a coration.” Dwelling on the results of its successful action in table political emergencies, Mr. Depew made the novel sug-

‘stion that if the great cities of the country were made the

ipitals, legislation might be purer and more practical.

Ile spoke of the effect of the London press and of public opinion England upon the action of the British Parliament. Mr, Depew emed to think that if the Legislature of the State of New York uuld meet in this city instead of at Albany or some interior int, there would be a more practical, sensible, and generous

f legislation would be

treatment of public questions, and that broadened and purified.

We must differ with the able and ecloquent representative American on this point. Public opinion in New York is not at ali indicative of the American idea of things as public opinion in London is of the British idea. London is governed completely by the English; New York has a heterogeneous population, not one-half of it—according to the census—American. Some of the worst men in our Legislature notoriously represent New York districts. amore miserable set of representatives to the Legislature than New York.

If the sessions of the Legislature were held in this city, amid

Perhaps no part of the State sends, as a whole,

the abhorrent political influences that too often prevail, the effect would be far from wholesome. The purification of legislation de- pends far more upon the character of the representatives elected than upon the environment of the Legislature itself.

It is significant, in view of Mr. Depew’s expression, to note that political gatherings, such as State conventions, are rarely called at New York.

small interior place, not only because it is more central, but, no

They nearly always assemble at some

doubt, always because of a desire to escape the very influences which Mr. Depew deems potential, and which thoughtful men regard as demoralizing, if not destructive.


T is not surprising, in view of the remarkable political gyrations [ of ex-Senator Ingalls, that in a public address at Boston he recently succeeded in making quite a fool of himself. He said such silly things as that the * men of the agricultural regions see that yearly they labor but to grow poorer, while in the large manufacturing and commercial regions there is an inordinate and All that these wealthy communities desire in legislation is granted, while all the farmers

demand is either buried in committee or laughed out of sight.” What clotted nonsense this is!

inexplicable accumulation of wealth.

What demagogism gone to seed! Is it possible that Mr. Ingalls believes what he says? Is it possible that he believes his threat, that the permanent value of Eastern investments in Western lands and railroads may be endangered in the immediate future by the acts of Western Legislatures, will frighten investors into submission to the pre- posterous demands of the Farmers’ Alliance?

The Kast has suffered as much as the West from financial depression and the operations of the laws of trade and commerce. The failure of a single banking firm in New York City within the past six months, it is said, involved liabilities larger than the aggrege cs mortgage indebtedness of the farming masses of Kan- The statement has just been made that twenty-five of the Fall River mill corporations, representing a capital of nearly


$14,500,000, have paid in dividends during the past three months only a little more than one and one-half per cent., and that ten of these corporations, representing a capital of $4,500,000 and operating eleven mills paid no dividends at all. The prospects before all these corporations, which have been notably successful in the past, are said to be at this time peculiarly discouraging. Do we hear any howl from the owners of these mills against the Western farmers, or against honest money, or against honest legislation ? Do we have any appeals from them for Government delusive

fanciful and

for the

relief, or for any one of the thousand schemes put forth by Western Alliances wealth and its general and generous distribution ?

creation of

Kvery class of toilers, every bank and every merchant, as well as the farmers of the West, have suffered during the business depression of the past few years. The results of closer competi- tion are manifested in the returns of all business enterprises. There is scarcely an exception, and it is this close competition that is responsible more than anything else for combinations and trusts. This has been simply a matter of self-preservation, based on precisely the same calculations that haye influenced the Farmers’ Alliance in Georgia to lead a movement to withhold cotton from the market until the price of that staple has risen, that the

Alliance in the corn-growing States to propose to build elevators

and the same calculations have influenced Farmers’ where they can store their corn and wheat until they can com- pel an advance in prices.

The laws of trade do not and cannot operate constantly to the All suffer

and all profit in turn by their operation, and it is as impossible to

advantage or disadvantage of one class of producers.

change these Jaws as it is impossible to enrich the people by the limitless issue of fiat money, or by the senseless degradation

of the standard of value.


HE American people have a particular interest in the project

to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by the Nicaragua Canal route. The Hon, Warner Miller, President of the Nicaragua Canal Construction Company. recently sailed for the scene of his company’s operations. Before his departure, at a dinner given to him at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, which is illustrated elsewhere in this issue, he presented some facts regarding the canal project that are worthy of attention.

He said his company had already expended nearly $4,000,000 ; that it had obtained a depth of fourteen feet of water in Greytown harbor; had built a railroad up to the first canal lock, cleared the line of the canal, and established at Greytown everything neces- sary for the real beginning of the great work and for the employ- ment of ten or twenty thousand men. As a result of the sys- tematic hospital arrangements of the company, not a single man going from the United States, from which all the engineers, skilled mechanics, clerks, and official men on the work have been drafted, has yet died from any disease contracted in Nicaragua.

Senator Miller asked his hearers to think of the impressive thet that the Nicaragua Canal would make the Pacitic and At- lantic sea-coasts substantially one, and would enable the Govern- ment to transfer within ten days any naval force from the Pacific to the Atlantic.

Mr. Miller predicted that within five days after the Nicaragua Canal was opened vot less than 7,000,000 tons of freight would pass through it; that it would bear into New York the greatest commerce ever seen, and add to the general growth of the world’s that while

commerce beyond all expectations. Tle declared

American money was preferred for its construction, the company


Con- the work and the enormous and re-

would appeal to the whole world for the capital required. sidering the importance of munerative traffic that naturally awaits its completion, it will be surprising if the American people do not promptly furnish all the funds necessary for its speedy construction. WATTERSON’S HASTY WORDS.

igieyl Mr. Watterson thinks of Governor Hill is now a mat-

ter of record. What he thought of Grover Cleveland just before the latter was nominated for the Presidency in 1884 is also a matter of record. Inthe columns of the Louisville Courier- Journal on July 8th, 1884, appeared this statement, which, con- sidering Mr. Watterson’s subsequent attitude, will be read with special interest:

“The idea of nominating Cleveland, who absolutely has no special claims upon his party, who has been an obscure man until very recently, who has done nothing to entitle him to the nomination, and is being fought by the best Democratic workers, over Joe McDonald, of Indiana, is the height of political absurdity and tomfoolery.”

Despite this cruel and insulting statement, Mr. Watterson was promptly on hand, within two months after Mr. Cleveland’s elec- tion, and from within the portals of the White House was writ ing the most fulsome and laudatory dispatches to his paper re- garding President Cleveland’s superior personality and wonder- ful political sagacity.

Mr. Watterson has less of consistency and more of the weak- nesses of human nature than any other editor of our time who has achieved prominence in politics and success in journalism. His proneness to what the Sun so felicitously calls epistolary We doubt if the Democracy of the State of New York will ever forget his insult- ing declaration that its politics * people every where.”

Mr. Watterson talks and writes too much. much, , For instance, in the first Hill letter he laid himself open

sprees has led him into occasional pit-falls. stink in the nostrils of good He also forgets too to rebuke for having made the statement that he never held public office, forgetting that he had been a prominent Member of

Next he spoke of a very important letter he had written to Mr. Cleveland, and the latter when interviewed ap-


peared to have no recollection of the document. Finally, various interviews with Mr. Watterson which had been printed, ap- parently by his authority, were confronted by his statement that Mr. Watterson had none that he cared to acknowledge.

seen no interviews, revised none, and had The reporter who obtained this information from Mr. Watterson ventured to ask the Ken- tucky statesman (whom. he found in bed taking, according to the veracious chronicler’s statement,“ handfuls of quinine”) for some explicit expression, as a reply to those who were making in- We

fear that Mr. Watterson realizes that silence is golden, but we

quiries. The answer was: “* Tell them to go to the devil!”

believe he is a silver man.




THE closeness of the recent contest in Canada is evidenced by the fact that the Canadian Pacific Railroad, which was greatly interested in the suecess of the Government, went to the trouble of bringing a voter froin the Sandwich Islands to a doubtful precinct in Winnipeg. The expenses of the voter's trip were $750. The question is: Who paid them?

THE bad crops in parts of the West have been charged with some of the remarkable political changes of last fall. It is sin- gular that the recent fall & Crispi’s ministry in Italy and the ac- cession of a new Cabinet is credited to the crops in Italy last fuil- an overproduction of serials, that led to a 1890,

year. Butin this instance, unlike the former, it is not the ure of the crops, but radical political change. The Italian crops of following several years of deficiency, were very large, and the country was no longer compelled to import a large amount of breadstuffs. As a result, the public treasury lost its accustomed revenue from these importations, and because the finances of the nation were de-

pressed the ministry fell.

THE collecting of spoons, representing different cities at home and abroad, is the latest innocent diversion of many ladies of refinement and wealth. The idea probably originated in the mind of some traveler, who found in a silver spoon a unique souvenir of a pleasant visit to a strange place. The alert Ameri- can mind, however, has taken up the idea of having souvenir spoons in each of the great. cities, and as a result the visitor to Washington sees the jewelers’ windows filled with Washington the New York jeweler offers Knickerbocker

spoons, Philadelphia has Quaker spoons, and last (but not least),

spoons, while

an Albany jeweler has a “Capitol spoon,” with a beautiful medallion of the magnificent capitol of New York, the most costly editice in the country, as part of the superb decoration of bowl the

The spoons are

and handle. The collection of such souvenirs is all more commendable because it has a practical feature. not supposed to be merely looked at; they are to be used at the table and thus open up to the guests interesting topics of con-


IT isa bold thing for an American musician to undertake to give a concert devoted entirely to the works of American com Mr. C. Mortimer Wiske, of Brooklyn, recently made this

attempt, and of course flew in the faces of the critics.

posers. In spite of his admirable attempt to make a success of the concert (an at- tempt, by the way, that should have been heartily encouraged), critics were disposed to laugh at the effort and insist that noth- ing but failure could be expected, because so little of American musical composition is worthy of attention. for no one denies that our musical culture is, for the most part,

This is very true, secured under European training. There is no school of Ameri- cau composition worthy of the name. So far as music is con- eerned, we are the most servile of imitators, and will continue to be so as long as our masters come from abroad. It is cer- tainly not conducive to the development of American music, that when a musical leader of the reputation and ability of Mr. Wiske undertakes to give an American orchestral concert, he is criticised for taking the trouble to do so. Let us do the best we ean, and in due time, when we shall have had American com- posers worthy of the name, we can be prepared to do them




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NE of the most prominent

women in the social life of the national capital is Mrs. Caro- line Pitts Brown, the beautiful wife of the new Justice of the United States Supreme Court, Hon. Henry S. Brown. At her sumptuous home in Detroit she has always wielded a_ potent sceptre, nor is the subtle magnet- ism of her personality less per- vasive in Washington, where her beauty, grace and prestige have made her “calling and election sure.” She was Mrs. Harrison’s principal aid at the first White House reception of the season, and has been accorded the place of honor at many state entertain- ments.

Exquisite gowns and jewels, which always serve to make a pretty woman prettier, she has in rich abundance. Old-rose and blue are her favorite colors, and at a recent reception at Mrs. Morton’s she was like a quaint picture, in a trained gown of blue velvet, wreathed with roses from corsage to hem.

She traces her lineage back to Priscilla and John Alden of May- flower fame, and is worthy of her high ancestry.



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